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Commentary
How to Measure School Quality
By Jack Schneider & Anil Nathan
How do you measure
school quality?
A seasoned educator
can get a feel for a school in a day, though it might take a year to determine
its particular strengths and weaknesses. Yet parents do not have that luxury;
they cannot spend long stretches of time visiting all of the schools they might
send their children to. And even if they did, many might not be sure what to
look for.
Given this challenge,
parents tend to rely on rougher indicators of quality—word-of-mouth and
standardized-test scores. Parents weigh these two factors together and then
make enrollment decisions with a relative sense of confidence. But these
mechanisms are highly problematic and deserve careful scrutiny.
The most obvious issue
is one of inaccuracy. A school can have a good reputation or impressive test
scores because it caters to a privileged population. But, as research
indicates, these high-scoring schools often add less value than some of their
competitors with lesser reputations or lower scores.
"We believe it is possible to give parents richer
and more useful information about schools."
A second problem is
the effect that these indicators, particularly raw test scores, have on the
system as a whole. Because standardized-test scores offer a narrow and opaque
measure of performance—a measure most useful for myopically ranking schools
against each other—reliance on them has ensured a small number of winners and a
large number of losers. This, in turn, has damaged the reputations of countless
schools and intensified the alarmist narrative of educational decline.
Finally, these methods
of gauging quality are troubling because they have promoted segregation.
Schools with strong scores and reputations become objects of intense
competition and ultimately propel property values upward and price out the
working class. Consequently, even if schools in lower-income neighborhoods are
good, working-class children remain isolated from their more privileged peers,
gain less access to social capital, and enjoy fewer of the resources that
privileged parents bring to bear on their children's schools. And for their
part, privileged students are denied engagement with those different from
themselves.
Of course, merely
demonstrating the inadequacies of these measures is not enough. Parents are
desperate for information. And, insofar as that is the case, they will
invariably opt for unreliable intelligence over none at all.
But what if we had
better, more accurate measures?
"We urge scholars and policymakers to build
additional tools to help parents make more informed decisions about the schools
that best suit their children."
Recently, we
collaborated with The Boston Globe in designing a school-rating tool that
we believe will move the conversation beyond reputation or raw test scores.
Pulling from the various data available to us, we include measures that reflect
something about school quality. And recognizing the fact that rating schools is
an inherently subjective enterprise, our model allows parents to customize
rankings based on personal values, including school culture, college readiness,
and diversity.
The tool is imperfect,
certainly. After all, such measures are constrained by available data, which is
not necessarily what we might wish for in an ideal situation. And every state
approaches data collection differently, so our model is not perfectly
replicable. In Massachusetts, for instance, the state generates a student growth
percentile, or SGP—a measure that gauges growth by comparing one student's
history of exam scores with those of all the other students in the state with a
similar testing history. On the whole, however, our tool turns the tables on
some conventional thinking about school quality in the state, and we believe it
will change the way parents make decisions.
So what are our
measures?
The first two are
drawn directly from the state using SGP for English/language arts and
mathematics. Such information, we recognize, is not currently available in all
states. But many are moving toward a model that does a better job of leveling
the playing field between groups with different background characteristics.
Our third and fourth
categories are "school climate" and "college readiness."
For the former, we use graduation and dropout rates, proxies for student and
adult commitment to the process of education, as well as high school seniors'
college plans. For the latter, we use SAT writing scores and the percentage of students
scoring 3 or higher on Advanced Placement tests, two relatively strong
predictors of college success. Such data are widely available and, therefore,
this aspect of measurement is easy to reproduce.
Lastly, we include
"school resources" and "diversity." While research is mixed
about the exact impact of money, it is clear that greater resources can afford
a wider range of opportunities for students. And while not all parents value
diversity in schooling, it is a factor that many consider invaluable in the process
of education. Our measure for school resources (expenditures per student) is
straightforward. But in order to measure diversity, we have to be more
creative. We imagine a level of "perfect diversity" for schools and
then calculate the distance between a school's actual population and that
ideal.
Again, our tool is a
limited one. Graduation from high school and intent to pursue higher education
are hardly ideal proxies for school climate. Our measure of college readiness
relies, imperfectly, on standardized-test scores. We have an imperfect picture
of school resources, tracking how much money is spent but not how it is spent.
And our diversity calculation might be criticized as somewhat arbitrary: It is
based on a scenario in which white, African-American, Latino and Hispanic
students, and students of other racial or ethnic groups each make up 25 percent
of the school's population. We freely admit all of this, and we have encouraged
our critics to join us in advocating for the systemic collection of richer and
more varied data at the district or state levels.
But despite these
limitations, we believe this is the first step toward creating a better source
of information for the public. As such, we urge scholars and policymakers to
build additional tools to help parents make more informed decisions about the
schools that best suit their children.
Beyond providing
better information to parents, however, our interest lies in restoring some
breadth and sanity to the way we evaluate schools. Americans are bombarded by
policy talk framing most schools, particularly those not located in leafy
suburbs, as abysmal failures. This disaster narrative is largely sustained by
measures of quality that align neatly with wealth and position, reducing
schools to competing with each other rather than being identified by their
unique strengths. The most disturbing outcome of this propensity is greater
inequity.
Quality-conscious
middle-income parents cluster together at highly sought-after schools, seeking
to better serve their own children. In the process, they not only weaken the
schools they leave behind, depleting them of resources and damaging their
reputations, but also, in doing so, provide a narrower educational experience
for their own children. Everyone loses.
We believe it is
possible to give parents richer and more useful information about schools. And,
we believe it is possible to do so in a manner that builds confidence rather
than eroding it. That means promoting more winners, certainly. But it also
means fostering a broader sense of what it means to win, reframing our
conversations about school quality to align with our true values, and laying
the groundwork for an education system that is both more inclusive and more
integrated.
Jack Schneider is an assistant professor of education at
the College of the Holy Cross in Worcester, Mass., and the author of the
forthcoming book From the Ivory Tower to the Schoolhouse: How
Scholarship Becomes Common Knowledge in Education (Harvard Education Press,
2014). He can be found on Twitter @edu_historian.
Anil Nathan is an assistant professor in the department
of economics and accounting at the College of the Holy Cross, where he
researches and teaches the economics of education.
Vol. 33, Issue 10, Pages 21,23
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